SSD Insurance A Financial Aid for Disabled Workers

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Potential Wage Discrimination against Disabled Workers

The dotted line in the top part of Figure 3.2 reflects the coefficient effect as a percent of the corrected wage differential. Over the entire time period, the coefficient effect averages 77 percent of the corrected wage differential, or clearly a majority of the difference in wages between disabled and nondisabled workers. While there is quite a bit of variation over the years, the coefficient effect dominates the endowment effect in each year. The regressors in each year explain the usual 30-40 percent of the variation in wages of disabled workers and about 45 percent of the variation in wages of nondisabled workers (as indicated by the adjusted R2 of the regressions). Consequently, interpreting contributors to the endowment effect and that industry was the largest contributor to the coefficient effect. It is also of interest to note that in 18 of the 20 years, the return to education acted to decrease the wage differential between disabled and nondisabled workers (the contribution...

Social Security Disability Insurance SSDI A

Federal income insurance program operated by the Social Security Administration for workers whom it determines are disabled. There are several means by which people become eligible for SSDI. Most qualify by working and paying Social Security taxes, which earns credits toward eventual benefits. Disabled widows and widowers age 50 or older, may be eligible for a disability benefit earned on the Social Security record of a decreased spouse. Disabled children age 18 or older (whose disability must have originated before age 22) may be eligible for dependents' benefits on the Social Security record of a parent who is getting retirement or disability benefits or who has died. Children under the age of 18 qualify for dependents' benefits on the record of a parent who is getting retirement or disability benefits or on the record of a parent who has died.

Disability Legislation In The United States

The National Civilian Vocational Rehabilitation Act became law in 1920, was amended several times, then became the Vocational Rehabilitation Act in 1954. Public Law 93-112 transformed it into the Rehabilitation Act of 1973 (sections 503-504), which prohibits discrimination against the disabled by any program receiving federal assistance and requires federal agencies to take affirmative action to employ handicapped individuals. In addition, the act dictates that companies having contracts of a certain size with the federal government ( 10,000 or more, as of 1998) publicly state that the organization takes affirmative action to employ and accommodate workers with disabilities. Executive Order 12086 in 1978 reassigned enforcement of the act to the U.S. Department of Labor. This strengthened the position of disabled and veteran workers by placing the regulation enforcement in line with protection from discrimination based on race, color, religion, sex, or national origin.1 So, while...

Focus And Strategy Of Analyses

This book is concerned with the labor market implications and impact of the ADA. In addition to the multiple dimensions of the potential effect of the ADA on disabled workers, there are at least as many more ways in which the ADA influences the lives of all disabled Americans these other outcomes are not the subject of the present discussion, but may in fact amount to a much greater overall impact than that felt by the disabled in the labor market. The strategy of analysis followed here for documenting the impact of the ADA on the labor market experience of disabled workers has been to assemble as much information on as many dimensions of that experience as possible. The major contribution of the analyses that follow is the wideranging coverage and synthesis of a massive amount of information in such a way as to make recommendations for policy. The emphasis has not been on developing new ways to examine the labor market experience of the disabled, but to broaden that examination....

Figure 11 Percentage of Sample and of Workers in the CPS Data Set Indicating a Work Limiting Disability 19812000

Disabled workers and nondisabled workers. The distribution of workers across occupations and industries is of interest, as well, but that will be explored in great detail in Chapter 4. While females and nonwhites seem to be equally represented among disabled and nondisabled workers, and each group of workers appears to be equally distributed geographically, there are some notable differences in demographics. Disabled workers, on average, work fewer hours, are less likely to have a college degree, are older, and are more likely to be single. While means across time give us some idea of the relative differences between worker categories, they tell us nothing about trends. One trend of particular interest is the change in average hours per week over time among workers. Figure 1.2 depicts the average hours of disabled and nondisabled workers for each year between 1981 and 2000. While the average weekly hours of nondisabled workers rise fairly steadily over this time period from 37.5 in...

Survey Of Income And Program Participation Sipp

The nature of a person's disability is placed into one of 30 different categories (including '' other''). In order to be able to include controls for type of disability, these categories were combined to correspond to the groupings used by the Social Security Administration.14 Aggregation was necessary due to category size limitations the four groups included as controls were 1) musculoskeletal systems and special

Compensation Wages and Benefits

Depending on the nature of the impairment, one would expect a disabled worker to be less productive than an otherwise identical non-disabled worker thus, lower wages would be seen for disabled workers. The implementation of a policy that is expected to raise productivity, however, would increase those individuals' wages. The ADA, through its accommodation requirements, should unambiguously increase the productivity of disabled workers. The impact of this process on workers' earnings, however, is uncertain. If productivity is increased by more than the cost of accommodations, wages of disabled workers should rise. If, on the other hand, the cost of accommodation exceeds the gains in productivity, disabled workers are likely to bear some of the increased costs through lower wages. In addition, since accommodation should not impact the productivity of workers not in need of those accommodations (i.e., nondisabled workers), we should not observe a substantial wage change for nondisabled...

Differences In Wages Over Time Pooled Cross Sectional Analysis

The affected group (the disabled) is controlled for by a dummy variable indicating whether the individual has a work-limiting disability, and the time period is controlled for by a dummy variable indicating whether the ADA had been implemented yet or not. The coefficient of interest (p3) measures the change in real wages of disabled workers, relative to nondisabled workers, after implementation of the ADA, relative to before implementation. In other words, (33 tells us how wages changed for disabled workers versus nondisabled workers. Xi includes individual demographic and job characteristics detailed in Table 3.1, which contains the estimation results 7 are additional parameter coefficients to be estimated, and et is the random error term. The coefficient on the interaction term disable X post is 0.0286 (and significantly different from zero), indicating that disabled workers experienced about a 3 percent decline in wages, relative to nondisabled workers, post-ADA implementation,...

Hours of Work Distribution and Representation

In addition to the wage, there are a number of other characteristics that can be used to quantify the quality of a worker's job. One feature is whether a job is full-time or part-time. While the availability of part-time employment may be important to disabled workers (and perhaps more so than to nondisabled workers), part-time jobs are often accompanied by lower pay, fewer benefits, and less stability.1 The first part of this chapter compares and evaluates the incidence of part-time employment and type of part-time employment (voluntary versus involuntary) across disability status and across time. If disabled workers are considered marginal workers, then they would be more likely to be employed part-time. If, however, disabled part-time workers are more likely to be voluntarily, versus involuntarily, employed part-time, then their part-time status may indicate a greater flexibility that might be needed to accommodate the worker's situation. The chapter then explores the full-time...

Incidence of Parttime Employment

As has been suggested in Chapters 1 and 3, part-time employment has grown among disabled workers between 1981 and 2000 and has declined somewhat among nondisabled workers. By itself, this observation is consistent with the contention that disabled workers are being In order to quantify the apparent growth in selectivity-corrected part-time employment among disabled workers, relative to nondisabled workers, the pooled, cross-sectional analysis introduced in Chapter 2 is applied here. The idea behind the analysis is to estimate a cross-sectional, time-series bivariate probit model with dummy variables rep estimated coefficients from the bivariate probit into a 5 percentage point greater probability of disabled workers being employed part-time than nondisabled workers, post-ADA relative to pre-ADA. In addition, the probability of nondisabled workers being employed part-time changed by less than one-hundredth of a percentage point post- versus pre-ADA.

Type of Part Time Employment

Given the conclusion that disabled workers are more likely than the nondisabled to be employed part-time and that the disparity is growing, an important consideration is what is the nature of the parttime jobs Are disabled workers more likely to be employed other than full-time by choice In order to answer this question, a univariate probit analysis is performed. The purpose of the probit analysis is to determine, among part-time workers, whether the probability of being voluntarily (versus involuntarily) employed part-time has increased or decreased for disabled workers, relative to nondisabled part-time workers, holding constant other factors that may determine the classification.8 The results of this probit estimation can be found in Figure 4.3.9 The graph depicts the marginal effect of being disabled on the probability that a part-time worker's status is voluntary. The results are generalizable to part-time workers only. The observation of interest from Figure 4.3 is that prior to...

Distribution Of Workers

An indication of how mobile workers with disabilities are compared to workers without disabilities (and how this mobility has changed over time) is their distribution over different occupations and industries. Figure 4.5 presents the distribution of disabled and nondis-abled workers among occupations and industries in 2000. Approximately the same proportions of disabled and nondisabled workers are found in the technical support area and in the farming, fishing, and forestry occupational category. Disabled workers, however, are more heavily concentrated in service and laborer occupations, with nondis-abled workers more concentrated in managerial and craft occupations. As we will see later (and as was seen in Chapter 3), this concentration is split along earnings levels, with the occupations in which disabled workers are concentrated being the lower-paying ones. There does not seem to be as wide a disparity in the distribution of workers across industries. However, disabled workers are...

Representation Of Workers

The equality in the distribution of disabled and nondisabled workers is a goal only if the disparity in distribution reflects characteristics of jobs or industries that are desirable. In other words, if nondisabled workers are systematically more concentrated in jobs that are more attractive than jobs in which disabled workers are concentrated, there is a call to make the distributions more equal. A ''share of workers'' measure can be used to determine whether disabled workers are more or less concentrated in occupations and industries with appealing qualities, such as higher wages or growth. The desirability of higher wages is obvious, but growth of an occupation could also be considered attractive since it may be indicative of stronger demand for workers, perhaps leading to greater wage growth and occupational advancement.

Representation and High Wages

A simple correlation between wages in an industry or occupation and the percentage of workers in that industry or occupation that are disabled was performed to determine whether disabled workers are concentrated in low-paying occupations. The wage decomposition results in Chapter 3 suggest that disabled workers are concentrated in the lower-paying occupations and industries, since occupation and industry regressors contribute positively and significantly to the observed wage differential between disabled and nondisabled workers. Figure 4.8 Correlation Coefficients, Concentration of Disabled Workers and Industry Occupation Wage, CPS, 1981-2000 lation coefficient between concentration of disabled workers in an occupation and the average hourly wage in that occupation is 0.82 the average across industries is 0.55. Disabled workers are more concentrated in the low-wage occupations and industries. Consequently, concern about the disparity in distributions across occupations and industries...

Separation Unemployment and Job Search

Separation from one's job is an important dimension of the experience of a worker. If separations are dominated by involuntary actions, such as a layoff or being fired, the worker's experience is obviously diminished. Voluntary separation, however, may or may not be an indicator of a positive situation. On the one hand, voluntary separation (quitting) may indicate that workers are able to respond to better job opportunities through labor market mobility. On the other hand, excessive voluntary separations may reflect instability among that group of workers. This may be of particular importance for disabled workers who may need to voluntarily quit jobs for health reasons. The first analysis in this chapter considers a group of labor force participants who have experienced a recent job separation and evaluates the determinants, including disability status, of the type of separation.1 The worker's situation while unemployed, namely the job search experience, will also be explored in this...

State versus Federal Legislation

To determine whether state-level protective legislation '' crowded out'' or had a differential impact on the experience of disabled workers than the federal ADA, employment, wage, and hours analyses mirroring those contained in Chapters 2, 3, and 4 are repeated here, but only for a subsample of states that enacted disability legislation between 1981 (the beginning of available data) and 1991 (the last year before implementation of the federal legislation). The employment impact is determined by estimation of a pooled, cross-sectional bivariate probit with selection model analogous to that estimated in Chapter 2. The state-level impact of disability legislation on wages is determined by a pooled, cross-sectional estimation of log wages, controlling for selection into the labor market, mirroring the wage analysis in Chapter 3. The bivariate probit with selection will again be used to parallel the part-time employment analysis of Chapter 4. Only the CPS data set will be used for analyses...

Employment Incentives

The most recent initiative to encourage labor force participation among the disabled is the Ticket to Work and Work Incentives Improvement Act of 1999 it applies to recipients of Supplemental Security Income (SSI) or Social Security Disability Insurance (SSDI) government cash payment programs for people with disabilities. The main provisions that encourage labor force participation under these programs involve reducing the risk and cost associated with ''trying'' work. One provision is a disregard for impairment-related work expenses (e.g., special equipment modified to accommodate a worker's disability, medical devices, and special transportation needs). These expenses are deducted from a worker's income before it is evaluated for payment eligibility purposes. In order to encourage and facilitate labor force participation, this provision could be expanded to provide for direct reimbursement of these fixed (out-of-pocket) expenses. The criteria for determining reimbursement could be...

Screening And Matching

The evidence of job separation and job search experiences of disabled workers presented in Chapter 5 is ambiguous. On the one hand, disabled workers search three weeks longer, on average, than similar nondisabled individuals before finding a job. On the other hand, job separations are less likely to be for involuntary reasons among disabled than among nondisabled workers, implying that disabled workers are not likely the ''marginal'' employees that some have speculated they are. While longer search spells are consistent with discriminatory hiring practices on the part of employers, the finding that most of the observed longer search spell is explained by individual characteristics suggests that endowments of disabled and nondisabled workers are being valued equally, but that employers go to greater lengths to discern the fit of a disabled worker's traits with a particular job. This care in hiring on the part of the employer would also lead to the lower probability that a separation is...

Table C5 Observed and Selectivity Corrected Wage Differentials CPS 19812000

NOTE The first-stage probit estimation included the following regressors age age squared nonwhite, female, disabled, single household, education, and worked-last-year dummy variables and nonlabor income. Regressions for 1981 and 1982 do not include a union dummy. Second-stage wage estimations included the following regressors hour of work age age squared and union, female, single household, nonwhite, education, region, industry, occupation, and government dummy variables. Regressions for 1983 do not include dummies for the service farming, fishing, and forestry or the craft occupations due to the absence of representation of disabled workers in these occupations in the sample. (3nd (coefficients from the nondisabled estimation) was used to represent the ''nondiscriminatory'' world since the disabled make up such a small proportion of the whole.

Coauthored with Ludmila Rovba

Employment levels of the disabled are affected by both labor supply and labor demand issues. Individuals suffering from a functional disability will also experience a larger cost to entering the labor market as, holding all else constant, greater effort or sacrifices must be made relative to nondisabled workers. The net result is that the reservation wage (the wage at which a person is willing to enter the labor market) for disabled individuals will be higher than for the nondisabled, and fewer disabled people will choose to enter the labor market, ceteris paribus. In addition, a person's functional disability will be more likely to render him or her less productive than an otherwise identical, nondisabled person. Consequently, the disabled worker will be less likely to qualify for a given job and therefore less likely to be hired. Merely a perception of lower productivity or a greater difficulty of predicting a disabled worker's productivity will reduce the likelihood of the...

SIPP Sample Construction

The primary usefulness of the SIPP derives from an ability to identify the nature of a disabled worker's disability. The categories identified are too numerous for all of them to be included in the analysis, so they are grouped into broad headings based on the classifications used by the Social Security Administration. Table B.2 shows how specific disabilities are classified.

Observed and Selectivity Corrected Wage Differentials

Since 1981 (the earliest year of data), there is a clear and persistent increase in both the observed and selectivity-corrected wage differentials between disabled and nondisabled workers. Both differentials show that over this whole time period, nondisabled workers earned, on average, wages that were 23 percent higher than those of disabled workers. In addition, the corrected wage differential increased from 13 percent to 30 percent, indicating a deterioration of earnings of disabled workers relative to nondisabled workers over this time period. The decline in relative earnings is consistent with a downward trend identified by Haveman and Wolfe (1990) beginning in 1974. However, the growth in the wage differential appears to have been mitigated since 1992 the selectivity-corrected wage differential grew from 13 to 29 percent between 1981 and 1992, and has hovered around a mean of 28 percent since 1992, which was the first year of implementation of the ADA. In addition, and...

Education Training And Job Characteristics

One analysis in Chapter 3 indicates that the disabled overall have suffered a cost in terms of lower relative wages post-ADA. With the exception of large firms, wages of disabled workers declined by about 3 percent post-ADA, relative to those of nondisabled workers. People with musculoskeletal disabilities suffered the bulk of the wage loss. Policy suggestions made in the previous section to facilitate worker accommodation should also go toward improving the apparent compensation tax on disabled workers for whatever workplace adjustments are required. Further analysis in Chapter 3 indicates that these wage losses may not be directly related to accommodation costs, however, but are suffered by disabled workers whether or not they are covered by the ADA. By facilitating the accommodation process (through information and resources provided by JAN or some other organization), a person with disabilities is in a better position to negotiate a wage comparable to that of nondisabled...

Unconditional And Joint Probabilities

The labor market provisions of the ADA were motivated by a desire to eliminate barriers to disabled individuals that might exist in the labor market. An appropriate assessment of the success of the ADA in this endeavor would involve evaluation of unconditional employment outcomes. In other words, the question to be answered is whether there has been any progress in employment outcomes for the disabled person drawn from random, controlling for the likelihood that he or she is a labor force participant. The resulting probability of interest is an unconditional probability of employment. An alternative question, which has been the source of recent condemnation of the employment impacts of the ADA, is whether there has been any progress in employment among all disabled people. This second question involves evaluation of a joint outcome what is the probability of entering the labor force and being employed While the impact of the ADA on labor force participation may be of interest from a...

Conclusions and Policy Implications

This book has examined and documented the relative labor market experience of workers with disabilities with an eye to evaluating the impact of the ADA. A worker's labor market experience goes beyond simply whether a person has a job and what he or she is being paid. While these dimensions are fundamental, the quality or characteristics of the worker's job, the process of obtaining it, and the nature of job separation are also important factors. One intention of the ADA is to break down barriers in the labor market thus the focus of all analyses in this book is on the experience of the disabled in that environment, not on factors that influence decisions to enter the labor market. Accounting for those choices, however, is important in obtaining results generalizable to the disabled population, so measures are taken, where appropriate, to control for the decision to seek employment. In addition to the multiple dimensions of the potential impact of the ADA on disabled Americans in the...

Employment Probability And Firm Size

The phased-in nature of the ADA yields an additional dimension across which to examine its impact on employment.23 After enactment in 1990, the ADA covered employers with 25 or more employees starting in 1992, and employers with 15 or more employees starting in 1994. One might expect a differential employment impact of the ADA based on whether a particular firm is covered by the legislation. In addition, because of the potential costs of accommodating workers' disabilities, there is reason to expect that disabled workers might migrate toward covered employers (based on size), toward employers who are more able to absorb the cost of accommodation (larger firms may have more resources to devote to such investments), and toward employers who can spread the fixed costs of accommodation across more workers (again, this would be true of larger firms). While most estimates indicate that per-worker costs of accommodations only range between 100 and 1,000, this expenditure is clearly easier to...

Policy Issues

The United States has a history of enacting legislation with strong social content, expressing society's ethics and morals. Child labor laws and other civil rights legislation fall into this category. One could argue that such laws are grounded in economic concerns. For example, discrimination against workers with disabilities or against African Americans robs our economy of the efficient allocation and use of valuable resources. Also, with the prohibition of child labor, children really have no other option but to attend school, raising the human capital of our economy overall. While these arguments have merit in In order to address whether the ADA merely serves as a statement of where we are rather than as a prediction of where we are headed, the analyses in this book will focus on two basic questions. First, how are disabled workers faring (relative to nondisabled workers) at any given point in time, and is their relative experience in the labor market improving Second, did the ADA...

Wage Levels

Figure 3.1 depicts the average real (1982-1984 100) hourly wages for disabled and non-disabled workers for each year from 1981 to 2000. As theorized, wages for disabled workers lie below those of nondisabled workers for every year, although these raw figures do not control for differences in human capital or other demographic and job characteristics. Real wages of nondisabled workers exhibit a clear upward trend (a significant raw trend average of about 0.03 of a percentage point per year), and real wages of disabled workers exhibit a downward trend (a significant average of about -0.02 of a percentage point per year, in spite of the recent upward swing). The net result is a growing differential between wages of nondisabled and disabled workers. These relative trends will be examined to determine whether there was a significant difference pre- and post-ADA after controlling for individual and job characteristics. In addition, the wage differential will be decomposed to determine what...

Firm Size Analysis

The CPS contains a question about how large (i.e., number of employees) a worker's main employer was in the previous year. Given that the ADA covers employers only of certain size, this information can be exploited to perform an additional analysis across covered and noncovered disabled workers. Covered disabled workers would be those employed by a firm with 25 or more employees in 1992 or later or employed by a firm with 15 or more employees in 1994 or later. Unfortunately, classifications of firms with fewer than 25 employees were not made until the 1992 survey year, which limits the amount of pre-ADA data available for the analysis. The post-ADA years were restricted to balance this survey-imposed limitation. The following model will be estimated twice once for a large versus not-large firm classification, and a second time for a medium versus small firm classification. Selection into the labor market will be controlled for in both estimations, using the standard Heckman (1979)...


The purpose of this chapter was to evaluate the relative compensation experience of disabled and nondisabled workers over time, and to determine whether any change in that experience is evident in relation to the implementation of the ADA. A pooled, cross-sectional analysis using the CPS data indicated that overall, disabled workers experienced a 3 percent decline in real wages, relative to nondisabled workers, postADA, relative to pre-ADA. Results from the SIPP are consistent with the CPS results and show that the wage experience of those with mus-culoskeletal disabilities is driving that observed wage decline. The real wages of workers with musculoskeletal disabilities declined 4 percent more than for workers without disabilities post-ADA, relative to pre-ADA workers with other types of disabilities did not experience any different wage change than did nondisabled workers. These results together indicate that overall, the cost of accommodating workers' disabilities exceeds the gain...

Hours Of Work

Figure 1.2 in Chapter 1 highlighted a growing disparity in average hours worked per week between disabled and nondisabled workers. This section looks more closely at the role part-time employment plays in that observed decline in hours and determines whether it reflects voluntary or involuntary behavior on the part of disabled workers. Part-time employment among the disabled may not be a sign of mar-ginalization or discrimination because of these individuals' unique physical or mental capabilities and potential income sources. Such employment may be sought by disabled workers (and employers for their disabled workers) as a way to accommodate health limitations. In addition, part-time employment may provide additional earnings that do not jeopardize disability benefits based on income levels.

The Duncan Index

The Duncan Index is useful for comparing the distributions of different workers over various occupational and or industry groups.14 It can be applied to analyze the distribution of disabled workers in relation to that of nondisabled workers across occupations and industries. where K is the total number of occupations or industries and nd,- and D, are the proportions of all nondisabled and disabled workers, respectively, in occupation or industry j. The index is equal to one-half the sum of the absolute differences between the proportion of nondisabled and disabled persons in each occupation or industry. An index equal to zero means that these groups of workers have identical employment distributions across occupations or industries. An index equal to one corresponds to the extreme situation of complete segregation (no disabled and nondisabled workers in the same occupation or industry). Another way to interpret I is as the percentage of disabled (or nondis-abled) workers that would...


If disabled workers have a more difficult time finding employment or employers that will accommodate their disabilities, they may experience greater voluntary turnover as they continue to search for the job that will best match their skills. On the other hand, the fear of losing one's health benefits ( job-lock'') may be more severe for disabled workers, leading to fewer voluntary separations relative to nondisabled workers (see Kapur 1998 Buchmueller and Valletta 1996). The impact of the ADA on voluntary separations among the disabled is ambiguous. Voluntary separations may increase as more opportunities become available to disabled workers, but may also decrease as employers make disability accommodations, which have been shown to increase tenure and reduce voluntary turnover among disabled workers (Burk-hauser, Butler, and Kim 1995). If disabled workers suffer from discrimination, or overall have less labor market experience or tenure with their employers, they might suffer more...


Largest category (36 percent of the unemployed).8 As far as disabled workers are concerned, a policy such as the ADA is expected to decrease the cost of entering the labor market (with improved accommodation and fewer barriers to employment), thus potentially increasing the incidence of new entrants and reentrants to the labor market, relative to these categories for nondisabled workers. Another multinomial logit was estimated to evaluate the determinants of unemployment categories, with the type of unemployment divided into four classifications 1) job loser (fired or laid-off), 2) job leaver (quit), 3) reentrant to the labor force, and 4) new entrant to the labor force. The first two categories were considered in detail in the previous section. The focus of the analysis in this section is on the relative probabilities that unemployment spells for disabled workers are of the new entrant or reentrant variety, and on whether the composition of the unemployed was altered by the ADA. The...

Impact On Wages

It was found in Chapter 3 that the ADA seems to have had a negative impact on wages of disabled workers overall, although it did not appear to be directly related to the cost of accommodations required of firms covered by the legislation. This section looks at the state level to see whether a similar impact on wages occurred when protective legislation was passed. The coefficient on the interaction term (disable X post) is 0.0452, indicating that disabled workers experienced a 4.5 percent decline in wages, relative to nondisabled workers, post-disability legislation, relative to pre-disability legislation. This is roughly of the same magnitude as the 3 percent decline in wages experienced post-ADA implementation (see Table 3.1). The implication is that we see the same relative decline in wages of disabled versus nondisabled persons at the state and national levels. This may mean that the measured impact of the federal ADA on relative wages is muted, given that some adjustment to...

Impact On Hours

The increase in part-time employment post-ADA found in Chapter 4 is worth exploring at the state level, as well. It is of interest since flexibility in hours may serve as an important mechanism through which employers can accommodate many types of disabilities. If this is the case, then requirements to accommodate workers' disabilities at the state level should result in similar adjustments as seen post-ADA. Figure 6.3 plots the average proportion across states of disabled and nondisabled workers that are employed part-time. The reference vertical line corresponds to the time when legislation was in place in each state. There appears to be an increase in the proportion of disabled workers that are employed part-time, as well as a modest divergence in the two series. The pooled, cross-sectional analysis of Chapter 4 is repeated here in order to determine whether there is any significant growth in parttime employment among disabled workers, post-legislation, relative to Again, the...

The Ada And Beyond

Ity of employers to ignore the ADA is evidenced by the fact that disability claims made up 20 percent of all claims made to the EEOC during fiscal year 2001. This percentage was not too far behind the ratio of claims filed based on race (36 percent), sex (31 percent), and age (22 percent) during the same year and suggests that workers are aware of their rights and are holding employers accountable. The chance, then, that the ADA is aiming at the wrong target is still a possibility. While individual cases of discrimination (as evidenced by the number of EEOC claims) indicate that discrimination against disabled workers is likely occurring in the labor market, it still may not be the overwhelming determinant of inferior labor market outcomes. As suggested earlier in this chapter, other policies, such as promoting education and training, may go further toward improving labor market outcomes than a policy outlawing discrimination (which may only touch a small portion of the disabled).

The Author

Hotchkiss is an Associate Professor of Economics in the Andrew Young School of Policy Studies at Georgia State University. She received her B.A. degree from Willamette University in 1985, and her Ph.D. in Economics from Cornell University in 1989. Hotchkiss has published numerous articles on a variety of topics, including the relationship among state unemployment rates, wage differentials in Jamaica, labor supply behavior and welfare of two-earner families, the impact of unemployment insurance programs on individual job search behavior, and wage determination of part-time workers. She is also co-author of one of the leading Labor Economics textbooks. It is with great enthusiasm that she brings her varied skills and experience to the important subject of workers with disabilities. In addition to her professional activities, she counts among her greatest accomplishments her marriage of 15 years and her two terrific children.

Job Search

The theory proposed so far as to why the disabled have a lower probability (among those who separate) of being a job loser, or experiencing an involuntary separation, is that employers are more careful in their hiring of disabled workers. Employers may feel that hiring a disabled worker is more risky, or they may fear the consequences if they would have to dismiss the worker. The greater ''care'' in hiring a disabled worker should show up in longer search spells. Of course, the observation of longer search spells is also consistent with a theory of discrimination against disabled workers, but it is necessary to provide support for the preceding theory. Figure 5.5 presents the average difference between the expected search spells of disabled workers and of nondisabled workers.11 While exhibiting some degree of variation from year to year, the average length differential ranges from a high of 24 weeks in 1987 to a low of 0.66 weeks in 1998. The median spell length differential (not...

Benefit Analysis

The CPS allows identification of a worker receiving two fringe benefits from his or her employer health insurance and a pension plan. The data used for this analysis were obtained from the CPS March supplemental questionnaire and therefore refer to benefit coverage in the years 1980-1999. The probabilities of being included in an employer's pension plan or of receiving health insurance through an employer were fairly stable across the years however, as Figure 3.3 shows, the proportion of nondisabled workers relative to disabled workers included in a pension plan has grown over the time period. In 1980, nearly 11 percent more of nondisabled workers were included in a pension plan than disabled workers were. This difference grew to 17 percentage points by 1999. The greater proportion of non-disabled workers receiving either benefit could be closely related to the types of jobs disabled versus nondisabled workers hold. The increase in the difference...

Administrative law judge

Administrative law judge (ALJ) An outside, impartial officer appointed to hear disputes and render decisions regarding the administrative determinations of many state and federal government agencies. An applicant who has been turned down for benefits in a social security administration (SSA) program, for instance, may request an ALJ hearing.

Avlosulfon See dapsone

Benefits and, if applicable, how much those benefits will be. SOCIAL SECURITY DISABILITY INSURANCE (SSDI), SUPPLEMENTARY SECURITY INCOME (SSI), and DEPARTMENT OF VETERANS AFFAIRS (VA) notifications almost always state that disability is a basis for eligibility. aid to families with dependent CHILDREN (AFDC), GENERAL ASSISTANCE (GA), MEDICAID, and food stamp program award letters may not explicitly state that incapacity or disability is a basis of eligibility.

Behavior risky See risk behaviors

Major federal benefits programs include aid to FAMILIES WITH DEPENDENT CHILDREN (AFDC) AZT drug assistance emergency assistance (EA) the FOOD STAMP (FS) program general assistance (GA) GENERAL MEDICAL ASSISTANCE the HILL-BURTON program low income home energy assistance (LIHEA) Medicaid Medicare the social services block grant program social security disability INSURANCE (SSDI) SUPPLEMENTAL SECURITY INCOME (SSI) STATE SUPPLEMENTARY PAYMENTS (SSPs) and the TEMPORARY EMERGENCY FOOD ASSISTANCE (TEFA) program. Benefits may also be obtained from the

Part B Medical Insurance

You can sign up for Part B anytime during a 7-month period that begins 3 months before you turn 65. Visit your local Social Security office, or call the Social Security Administration at 1-800-7721213 to sign up. If you choose to enroll in Part B, the premium is usually taken out of your monthly Social Security, Railroad Retirement, or Civil Service Retirement payment. If you do not receive any of the above payments, Medicare sends you a bill for your part B premium every 3 months. You should receive your Medicare premium bill in the mail by the 10th of the month. If you do not, call the Social Security Administration at 1800-772-1213, or your local Social Security office. If you get benefits from the Railroad Retirement Board, call your local RRB office or 1-800-808-0772. For more information, call your Medicare carrier about bills and services. The

Incapacitated parent See incapacity

Incapacity An incompetence or inability to function. In social services jargon, disability, which can be less severe or less long lasting than that required for ssdi ssi, used to qualify a parent and thus (even in a two-parent family) an entire low-income family, for afdc and medicaid sometimes used in general assistance programs, too.

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Medicare one of our country's two major government-run health insurance programs (the other is medicaid), Medicare is a nationwide health insurance program for people aged 65 years and over, persons eligible for Social Security disability payments for at least two years, and certain workers who need kidney transplantation or dialysis. Medical health insurance protection is available to eligible persons without regard to their income. Medicare consists of two separate programs hospital insurance (part A) and supplementary medical insurance (Part B). The programs are financed from payroll taxes and premiums paid by beneficiaries. Medicare monies are deposited in special trust funds for use in meeting the expenses incurred by the insured. The program was enacted on July 30, 1965, as title xviii of the social security act, Health Insurance for the Aged, and became effective on July 1, 1966. Eligibility for Medicare is fairly straightforward anyone who has been entitled to social security...

Social kiss See dry kiss

Social Security The United States' most extensive program to provide income for older and disabled Americans. It is paid for by a tax on workers and their employers. Qualified workers are eligible for old age and disability benefits. Benefits are also available for the spouse and dependents of a retired or disabled worker. When a worker dies, benefits can be collected by surviving family members who qualify. Over 95 percent of American workers, including household help, farm workers, self-employed persons, employees of state and local government, and (since 1984) federal workers, participate in the program. Railroad workers are covered by a separate federal program, railroad retirement, that is integrated with Social Security. The program is complicated, and the law and regulations change from time to time. Contact your local office of the Social Security Administration (SSA) for literature about Social Security benefits or to ask specific questions about your own case. They are...

Social Security Act Title II

Gainful activity (SGA), trial work period, and extended-period-of-eligibility limitations imposed by the companion social security disability insurance (SSDI) program. Section 1619 allows disabled workers whose earnings raise them over the SSI eligibility level to continue as SSI recipients for purposes of medicaid coverage if Medicaid-purchased care is what is enabling them to work their way off welfare and if they cannot otherwise secure such medical care.

Part A Hospital Insurance

If you (or your spouse) did not pay Medicare taxes while you were working and you are age 65 or older, you still may be able to buy Part A. If you are not sure you have Part A, look on your red, white, and blue Medicare card. It will show Hospital Part A on the lower left corner of the card. You can also call the Social Security Administration toll free at 1-800-772-1213 or call your local Social Security office for more information about buying Part A. If you get benefits from the Railroad Retirement Board, call your local RRB office or 1-800-808-0772. For more information, call your Fiscal Intermediary about Part A bills and services. The phone number for the Fiscal Intermediary office in your area can be obtained from the following Web site

Vocational Rehabilitation Act of 1973 One of

Of the disabled and to prohibit employers who receive funds under the act from discriminating against disabled workers who are otherwise able to perform their duties. Following a case brought by an employee with tuberculosis against a Florida school board Arline v. School Bd. of Nassau County, 480 U.S. 273 (1987) , the act was amended to state that while a person with a contagious disease such as AIDS does qualify as disabled, the act does not apply to individuals who pose a health or safety threat to others or who are unable to perform their duties due to illness. Both statutes require reasonable accommodation of the employee's disability.

AIDS classification

Example, federal and state funds are often allocated on the basis of the CDC-defined AIDS cases reported. At issue, therefore, are when an HIV infection becomes AIDS and when AIDS becomes disabling. In 1987 the CDC added three more illnesses to their list of defining conditions extrapulmonary tuberculosis (TB outside the lungs), wasting syndrome, and HIV effects on the central nervous system (encephalopathy or dementia). These three additions resulted in a one-quarter increase in reported AIDS cases, primarily among heterosexual African American and Latino individuals. These new cases also included high numbers of injecting drug users. In 1992, bowing to increasing public pressure from patients, health professionals, activists, and others, federal officials proposed an expanded definition of AIDS that included a laboratory test of immune function and added three illnesses (invasive cancer of the cervix, pulmonary tuberculosis, and two or more episodes of bacterial pneumonia) to 23...


Disability Qualification for disability benefits under Social Security is based on an individual's medical condition. An individual is considered disabled if, because of such condition, he or she is unable to earn a substantial income in work for which he or she is suited. Usually, monthly earnings of 500 or more are considered substantial. Inability to work must be expected to last at least a year, or the condition must be so severe that the victim is not expected to live. The Social Security Administration also decides how a condition affects children's ability to function to do the things and behave in the ways that other children of the same age normally would.


Results in the unequal treatment of or the denial of opportunities to these people. The stigma associated with AIDS has prompted, and continues to prompt, a wide range of individual and social reactions to persons with AIDS and HIV infection. HIV-infected people have the same civil and social rights as the noninfected. Examples of these rights include access to justice public benefits (programs such as Social Security Disability Income and Supplemental Security Income) confidentiality (as regards testing, donor disclosure, and access to donor medical records, etc.) education (the rights of both HIV-infected students to be able to attend public schools and of HIV-infected teachers to be able to remain the heads of their classes, etc.) employment (the rights of persons with HIV AIDS to work as long as they are able, etc.) free speech (the right to publish and disseminate AIDS education materials, etc.) housing immigration insurance (the right to coverage for health care costs, the right...

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Impairment Damage or disability in Social Security Administration parlance, a particular disease or condition that may render the afflicted patient too disabled to perform substantial gainful activity (SGA) and therefore possibly eligible for assistance. Patients can and do have multiple impairments.

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Supplemental Security Income (SSI) A federal welfare program, operated by the social security Administration with general revenues, that makes monthly payments to people with low incomes and limited assets who are 65 or older, blind, or disabled. As its name implies, it supplements existing, but inadequate income. The level varies from state to state and can go up every year based on cost-of-living adjustments. In addition to low income, people on SSI must have limited assets.

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Clinicians were cautioned not to rely on the revised definition alone to diagnose serious disease caused by HIV infection in individual patients because there may be additional information that would lead to a more accurate diagnosis. It was emphasized that the diagnostic criteria accepted by the AIDS surveillance case definition should not be interpreted as the standard of good medical practice. The Social Security Administration (SSA) disappointed many physicians by promptly accepting this definition and no others for its definition of AIDS for potential disability claims. Several other diseases may result from HIV infection however, SSA does not view these as AIDS-defining illnesses. See AIDS case definition.

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